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| − | '''Ewa Marciniak''' | + | '''Ewa Marciniak''' – PhD with “habilitation”, social scientist in the field of political sciences |
| + | (2013), specializing in political communication and political marketing. In the years 2016- | ||
| + | 2019 director of the Institute of Political Sciences. She deals with psychological aspects of | ||
| + | social communication and political behaviour (determinants of political and social activity, | ||
| + | image shaping and self-presentations, communication styles, marketing strategies and PR). | ||
| + | Author of scientific publications on political communication, policy personalization and | ||
| + | electoral behaviour. PKA expert in the discipline of political science, member of the Polish | ||
| + | Society of Social Communication. The author, among others, Personalization of electoral | ||
| + | behaviour in Poland in the context of the Model of Political Preferences Compliance, Warsaw | ||
| + | 2013, « Personalizacja zachowań wyborczych w Polsce w kontekście Modelu Zgodności Preferencji Politycznych » (2013). | ||
[[Category: Autorzy (Authors)]] | [[Category: Autorzy (Authors)]] | ||
Aktualna wersja na dzień 20:56, 3 wrz 2020
Ewa Marciniak – PhD with “habilitation”, social scientist in the field of political sciences (2013), specializing in political communication and political marketing. In the years 2016- 2019 director of the Institute of Political Sciences. She deals with psychological aspects of social communication and political behaviour (determinants of political and social activity, image shaping and self-presentations, communication styles, marketing strategies and PR). Author of scientific publications on political communication, policy personalization and electoral behaviour. PKA expert in the discipline of political science, member of the Polish Society of Social Communication. The author, among others, Personalization of electoral behaviour in Poland in the context of the Model of Political Preferences Compliance, Warsaw 2013, « Personalizacja zachowań wyborczych w Polsce w kontekście Modelu Zgodności Preferencji Politycznych » (2013).